Thursday, March 24, 2011

Democratic socialism

Democratic socialism is a description used by various socialist movements and organizations, to emphasize the democratic character of their political orientation. The term is sometimes used synonymously with "social democracy", but social democrats need not accept this label, and many self-identified democratic socialists oppose contemporary social democracy because social democracy retains the capitalist mode of production.[1]
Democratic socialism is often used in contrast to movements, such as Leninism, which resort to authoritarian means to achieve a transition to socialism (i.e., "democratic centralism", "vanguardism", etc.) instead advocating for the immediate creation of economic democracy by and for the working class.

Democratic socialism is difficult to define, and groups of scholars have radically different definitions for the term. Some definitions simply refer to all forms of socialism that follow an electoral, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism, rather than a revolutionary one.[2] Often, this definition is invoked to distinguish democratic socialism from communism, as in Donald Busky's Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey[3], Jim Tomlinson's Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945-1951, Norman Thomas Democratic Socialism: a new appraisal or Roy Hattersley's Choose Freedom: The Future of Democratic Socialism.
But for those who use the term in this way, the scope of the term "socialism" itself can be very vague, and include forms of socialism compatible with capitalism. For example, Robert M. Page, a Reader in Democratic Socialism and Social Policy at the University of Birmingham, writes about "transformative democratic socialism" to refer to the politics of the Clement Attlee government (a strong welfare state, fiscal redistribution, some nationalisation) and "revisionist democratic socialism", as developed by Anthony Crosland and Harold Wilson:
The most influential revisionist Labour thinker, Anthony Crosland..., contended that a more 'benevolent' form of capitalism had emerged since the [Second World War]... According to Crosland, it was now possible to achieve greater equality in society without the need for 'fundamental' economic transformation. For Crosland, a more meaningful form of equality could be achieved if the growth dividend derived from effective management of the economy was invested in 'pro-poor' public services rather than through fiscal redistribution.[4]
Indeed, some proponents of market socialism see the latter as a form of democratic socialism.[5]
A variant of this set of definitions is Joseph Schumpeter’s argument, set out in Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1941), that liberal democracies were evolving from "liberal capitalism" into democratic socialism, with the growth of workers' self-management, industrial democracy and regulatory institutions.[6]
In contrast, other definitions of democratic socialism sharply distinguish it from social democracy.[1] For example, Peter Hain classifies democratic socialism, along with libertarian socialism, as a form of anti-authoritarian "socialism from below" (using the term popularised by Hal Draper), in contrast to Stalinism and social democracy, variants of authoritarian state socialism. For Hain, this democratic/authoritarian divide is more important than the revolutionary/reformist divide.[7] In this definition, it is the active participation of the population as a whole, and workers in particular, in the management of economy that characterises democratic socialism, while nationalisation and economic planning (whether controlled by an elected government or not) are characteristic of state socialism. A similar, but more complex, argument is made by Nicos Poulantzas.[8]
Other definitions fall between the first and second set, seeing democratic socialism as a specific political tradition closely related to and overlapping with social democracy. For example, Bogdan Denitch, in Democratic Socialism, defines it as proposing a radical reorganization of the socio-economic order through public ownership, workers' control of the labor process and redistributive tax policies.[9] Robert G. Picard similarly describes a democratic socialist tradition of thought including Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky, Evan Durbin and Michael Harrington.[10]
The term democratic socialism can be used in a third way, to refer to a version of the Soviet model that was reformed in a democratic way. For example, Mikhail Gorbachev described perestroika as building a "new, humane and democratic socialism".[11] Consequently, some former Communist parties have re branded themselves as democratic socialist, as with the Party of Democratic Socialism in Germany.
Hal Draper uses the term "revolutionary-democratic socialism" as a type of socialism from below in his The Two Souls of Socialism. He writes: 'the leading spokesman in the Second International of a revolutionary-democratic Socialism-from-Below [was] Rosa Luxemburg, who so emphatically put her faith and hope in the spontaneous struggle of a free working class that the myth-makers invented for her a "theory of spontaneity"'.[12] Similarly, about Eugene Debs, he writes: '"Debsian socialism" evoked a tremendous response from the heart of the people, but Debs had no successor as a tribune of revolutionary-democratic socialism'.[13]
Justification of democratic socialism can be found in the works of social philosophers like Charles Taylor and Axel Honneth, among others. Honneth has put forward the view that political and economic ideologies have a social basis, that is, they originate from intersubjective communication between members of a society.[14] Honneth criticises the liberal state because it assumes that principles of individual liberty and private property are ahistorical and abstract, when, in fact, they evolved from a specific social discourse on human activity. Contra liberal individualism, Honneth has emphasised the inter-subjective dependence between humans; that is, our well-being depends on recognising others and being recognised by them. Democratic socialism, with its emphasis on social collectivism, could be seen as a way of safeguarding this dependency.
In recent years, some have suggested replacing "democratic" with "participatory" upon seeing the reduction of the former to parliamentarism.



Monday, March 21, 2011

Gideon Mandaza MDC youth assembly National Chair says the youth could have kicked up the police in Chitungwiza.

Statement Realesed By MDC YOUTH ASSEMBLY National Chairperson Gideon Mandaza.

"Yesterday the police came and disrupted the Chitungwiza rally. Youths
were heavly present such that they could have reacted violently to the
police but they remained calm. Among those who had come for the rally
were women and children ++ the entire National Executive. My Question
is, Whats yout take on the stance taken by youths of remaining calm,
because this was just the beginning, more is coming ?"

One thing for sure is that youths were not happy

--
Forward Ever Backward Never

Sir Shephard Dube

Fears of another Gukurahundi, reports of Heavily armed soldiers in Matebeleland


The Daily News have reported that heavily armed soldiers have been deployed in Matabeleland and Midlands, a development which human rights organisations fear will revive memories of Gukurahundi.

Human rights groups say the soldiers have been deployed to intimidate villagers into supporting Zanu PF ahead of elections which Zanu PF insist will be held this year.

Information obtained by the Daily News shows a steady incursion of armed troops into Nkayi, Zvishavane, Plumtree, Gwanda, Rutenga, Mwenezi and Ngungumbane areas. Already, there has been an increase in reports of intimidation by members of the army.

But the minister of defence Emmerson Mnangagwa denied that soldiers had been deployed.

"There is no way soldiers can conduct party business. Zanu PF has structures that are capable of running on their own, so there will never be any need for the military to run its politics. Our policy and charter forbid us from doing so," Mnangagwa said.

In Plumtree, soldiers attached to border patrol units have turned to the villages where they engage in routine assault of people and supposed opposition sympathisers.

Former Bulilima East MP Norman Mpofu told the Daily News that there was renewed terror campaign by soldiers in Plumtree and the nearby communities.

"Until recently, the soldiers were well behaved but of late they have turned violent. Two weeks ago, they assaulted nearly everyone who was at the Plumtree border gate for no apparent reason and we still hear a lot of incidents where they move through villages threatening people. The people are scared," Mpofu said.

Nkayi Senator Robert Makhula said he met soldiers travelling in a convoy of five pick-up trucks near Tohwe, about 30 north of Nkayi on Sunday.

"I spoke to them and they said they are going out to revamp Zanu PF structures and to deal with those people who were in Zanu PF but joined opposition factions. It sounds like a general intimidation pattern which will harass anyone who does not support Zanu PF," Makhula said.

Buletsi Sibanda, a human rights activist at Gwanda Agenda also confirmed the increase in harassment and intimidation by soldiers.

"I have personally handled three cases in which armed soldiers based at Rustlers Gorge in Gwanda South went to Halisupi Business Centre and forced two teachers, Charles Gwate and Malvern Ndlovu, to do press-ups and roll on the ground for allegedly not supporting Zanu PF. A villager Philimon Gwingwizha was assaulted on that day," said Sibanda.

He added that community based rights monitors have also reported growing patterns of threats, violence and intimidation blamed on soldiers deployed within Zanu PF District Coordinating Committee (DCC) structures in parts of Gwanda North.

Zimbabwe African People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) Veterans Trust spokesman Busta Magwizi said there is a 'military plot' to keep Mugabe in power.

"Yes, there is a military plot to keep Mugabe in power. Soldiers continue to be deployed to the rural areas in various pretexts to spearhead the restructuring of Zanu PF and weaken all opposition
ranks.

"Last week, we went to the ground in southern Midlands and parts of Masvingo and noted a sudden increase of military personnel in Zvishavane, Rutenga, Mwenezi and Ngungumbane areas where they are restructuring Zanu PF.

"In Mwenezi, I met and spoke to one soldier and perpetrator of violence, Solomon Mabhenda Ndlovu, known to his victims as 'Comrade Hazvigoni' who confesses to killing at least two opposition MDC
supporters prior to the 2008 elections.

"I also saw one Colonel Xavier Hungwe who is assigned to the Zanu PF restructuring campaign and is now based at Neshuro Growth Point. There is also one Major Tshudini Moyo who is restructuring Zanu PF,  Mwenezi DCC structures. They are all involved in acts of violence and intimidation against the people," Magwizi said.

Source: Daily News

MDC Youth Assembly Secretary General

MDC Youth Assembly Secretary General
MP candidate for Matopo South